By
World Wide Web Content, General Applications, Users
Linguistic, Cultural, Social Issues
Site Design and User Interpretation/ Navigation Issues
Higher Education and the World Wide Web
Technology and the Legitimization of Social Action
Limitations of Existing Research
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
The World Wide Web is a fairly new technological advancement, so it has only been within the past few years that much scholarly research has focused on Web use. There still are many gaps in the literature. It seems ironic that a major area still needing investigation involves use of the WWW-the newest medium of mass communication-by journalism/ mass communication programs.
There is a great deal of general-interest, consumer-oriented information available about the World Wide Web. Most of it is not very scholarly. Even among published material which could be considered 'research literature,' most is subjectively-oriented and falls into the categories of 'review and analysis' or 'field observation.' Most is qualitative in nature, that is, it is holistic, designed to catagorize distinctive situations and environments and produce unique, detailed explanations (See Wimmer & Dominick, 1994). Little of the available research literature involves any kind of quantitative experimental or survey research effort. Even less of the existing literature makes an effort to tie theory to practice in any meaningful way.
World Wide Web Content, General Applications, Users
Available literature includes general findings about the World Wide Web's size (Ho, 1997), scope (Dyson, 1997), history (Helmstetter, 1997; Castells, 1996; Tennant, 1996; December & Randall, 1995; Jaber & Hou, 1994) and general applications (Rich, 1999).
Demographics of Web users have been analyzed (Smith, 1997; Smith, 1996; Stoner, 1996). At least one case study addresses how the Web and its resources have matured over time (Quinn, 1997). But, again, little effort has been addressed to creating theoretical frameworks to help explain observed phenomena.
Several case study analyses speculate on social and economic changes which will result from the Web and other new technologies (Castells, 1998; Flower, 1997; Castells, 1996; Negroponte, 1995), while others identify economic barriers to Internet development (Marks, 1996; Gallimore, 1995).
The interaction between WWW and other media has been addressed in surveys focusing on the use of Internet resources by broadcasters (Bates et al, 1997) and by newspapers (Collins, 1997). Neither of these surveys went beyond promotional applications.
Numerous field observation-type studies have been developed to identify government censorship policies (Diamond & Bates, 1997; Ambah, 1995). At least one other study characterized political and social philosophies which historically have led to censorship (de Sola Pool, 1990).
General legal issues which affect online communication have been examined in similar form
(McDonald, 1997; Siskind & Moses, 1996). Specific concerns for using a WWW page to
market the services of a law firm have been addressed (Siskind & Moses, 1996).
Broad, Constitutional issues of Internet access and privacy have been addressed in case study form (Tribe, 1991). More focused critiques also have been done, addressing legal and ethical concerns associated with online copyright issues (O'Mahoney, 1998; Business leaders seek..., 1997; Blumenstyk, 1997), trademark violation (Chaos over trademarks..., 1998; Abel & Ellerbach, 1997), online data security (Cobb, 1997), user privacy (Alderman & Kennedy, 1995), and online pornography (Macavinta, 1998; Miller, 1997). A workplace policy outline has been proposed to help managers deal with these and other issues (Swanson, 1993). However, none of these works deals with the underlying social order which supports and is supported by legal and ethical decision-making.
Occasionally, law enforcement officers have threatened action against computer users suspected of committing crimes. Several highly-publicized incidents have been discussed and reviewed--again, in case study form (Sussman, 1995; Brennan, 1991; Rifkin, 1991; Hentoff, 1990).
Linguistic, Cultural, Social Issues
Language barriers have been addressed through analysis of linguistic characteristics and
explanation of the difficulties involved in translating and publishing complex Asian
languages online (Maney, 1997). There also has been a case study review of the cultural
and legal objections to publication of English-language Web documents in France (Coleman,
1997). But the reviews of language issues are consumer directed and 'analysis'-oriented;
they do not attempt to develop social scientific theory to explain why policies are
created to regulate online publishing.
The alleged social evils of the Internet have been addressed through observational study and analysis (Gup, 1997; Mannix, 1996; Sussman, 1995). At least one study searches for religious significance in online communication (December, 1997), while another discusses problems created for religious believers by new media technologies (Fonda, 1996). Here again, no effort was made to develop broad theoretical explanations.
One observational study came to the conclusion that Internet use could cause behavioral disorders (Jones, 1997), while others identified productivity losses which can occur in the workplace from irresponsible software development (Ross, 1997) or unstructured online use (Kuttner, 1997). But none attempted explanation of social processes which could be at work.
Site Design and User
Interpretation/ Navigation Issues
A great deal of published material has been devoted to the design of World Wide Web sites. But, again, most of the work is consumer-oriented in nature, consisting of 'how to' guides for general applications (Rich, 1999; Pomeroy, 1997; Web page planner, 1997) or for educational Web site construction (Pollard, 1997, December; Pollard, 1997, July; Yale C/AIM Web style..., 1997).
There is at least one field study of rhetorically 'successful' college Web sites (Deloughry, 1995) but its research focus is limited. A number of page design guidelines have been established through surveys of user responses (Borges, Morales, & Rodriguez, 1998; Fuccella & Pizzolato, 1998), but none established theoretical frameworks for further study.
At least one survey of online style guide authors has been commissioned to determine adequacy or inadequacy of existing sites (Grose, Forsythe, & Ratner, 1998). Though quantitative in nature, its focus was limited to determining "who was writing these Web style guides and why" (p. 122).
The concept of visual literacy and online media has been addressed in a number of ways. One author chose to take a rhetorical examination of "the broad reach of U.S. visual culture" and relate its impact to imaging technologies (Messaris, 1994, p. 1). Others attempted to examine conversational discourse and apply understandings gained to Web site design (Magliano, Schleich, & Millis, 1998).
Surveys of users have been used occasionally to glean information about how people use the World Wide Web. One author conducted a study to measure the effect of different online text characteristics on reading ability of college students (Geske, 1997). Another researcher surveyed online users in different countries to determine how they responded to visual symbols in business presentations (Griffin, Pettersson, Semali, & Takakuwa, 1994). A field experiment conducted among college students in Sweden attempted to make generalizations about the visual aspects of the WWW and word association (Pettersson, 1994).
One author's observational study helped develop elements and principles of visual organization which supposedly bring about the most efficient use of visual media (Hagerty, 1994). Another researcher's study of college student class presentations helped determine how visual literacy is demonstrated through 'effective' and 'ineffective' use of supporting materials (Kerns & Johnson, 1994). A meta-theoretical study was done to show the effect of computer visuals on learners' motivation (Sultan & Jones, 1994).
How people collaborate to create Web pages has been addressed through case study analyses of the role of librarians (Andrew & Musser, 1997) and the 'team' approach to Web site design (Jagodzinsky, Cunningham, Day, Naylor, & Schobernd, 1997). As with the other areas, none of this work attempted to establish explanatory theoretical foundations, or made the effort to link elements of the online environment with the social processes at work in the physical world.
There is existing literature to confirm the extent to which organizations use Web sites for promotional purposes. Aikat (1997) completed a content analysis and categorization of more than 1,000 Web sites, identifying sites maintained by government entities, commercial organizations and educational institutions. Ho (1997) completed a similar content analysis study of 1,800 commercial sites, to "address the question of what value is being created on the Web" (Ho, 1997, Abstract).
A survey undertaken by a class at Columbia University accessed 500 academic Web sites to determine "to identify good & poor examples for many different elements within one site" (sic) (A survey of... , 1995, Abstract). Along the same lines, a content analysis by Mitchell focused on the informational contents of Web sites hosted by state departments of transportation (Mitchell, 1996). While each of these surveys is thorough and relevant, none makes a strong link between any particular social scientific theory and Web site use--or creates parallels between Web site development and social action within the host organization.
A number of efforts have been made to identify different impacts of Web use on the general population (Castells, 1996), on minority populations (Wright, 1997), on children (Hundt, 1997; Riley, 1997; Druin & Solomon, 1996), or on people with physical disabilities (Laux, 1998). User experience and feedback has been noted in an effort to create the optimal Web page design (Fucella & Pizzolato, 1998). One researcher noted human characteristics and attitudes and their apparent effect on Web site navigational skills (Whitaker, 1998). But, as with the other topic areas already discussed, these are mostly qualitative pieces. Few make any effort to recognize that Web sites impact, and are impacted by, the social order under which they were created.
Higher Education and the World Wide Web
Use of the World Wide Web in higher education has been addressed through case study examination of sites' use for recruitment (Fisher, 1995) admissions (Kellan, 1995), and promotion (Collins, 1997; Telling the world, 1995). No current, complete picture is available of educational use of WWW sites, however.
In May, 1995, Deloughry estimated there were 611 higher education institutions with listings on the Internet (Deloughry, 1995). In February, 1996, Arant surveyed and found 71 percent of member schools of the Association of Schools of Journalism and Mass Communication reported having a WWW site (Arant, 1996). But even 'complete' academic listings often do not include WWW addresses, and since the electronic information spectrum is constantly changing it would be impractical to do so.
Web site policy statements have been reviewed (Rich, 1999; Stoner, 1997) and different policies which serve as models for development have been published on the WWW (Web site development..., 1998; Student acceptable use policy, 1998; Policy on use of computers, 1998). A brief content analysis of academic Web sites was completed in 1995, showing design guidelines result in some sites being "well-appointed" while others are not (Deloughry, 1995). News reports of changes and controversies involving academic Web sites are common (Rudenstine, 1997; Wayne State U. bans..., 1997; Young, 1996).
The case study method has been used to examine WWW use for creating new curriculum (McClintock & Taipale, 1996; Mende, 1996), sharing informational resources (Kirk, 1997), to bring business knowledge into school systems (Crawford & Shelfer, 1997), to promote literacy development (Maring and others, 1996), and to assess the pros and cons of online curriculum for higher education (Limerick, 1997; Arant, 1996; Deloughry, 1996). At least one study showed that the Internet was a positive contributor to scholarly activity (Kaminer, 1997).
Various studies have been done to track the impact of electronic technology including the Internet and e-mail on student populations, as well. Students who use e-mail to interact with faculty members and other students have been shown to be younger, carrying more credit hours, more likely to complete courses for which they are communicating online, and tend to be more active contributors to in-class discussions (Morton, 1997). In the academic environment, e-mail is more frequently used when users have greater opportunity to use it, collaborative support for doing so (Choi, 1995) and perceive great relative advantage of using online over other means (Kim, 1995). It has been difficult for researchers to affirm that frequent e-mail use increases
intellectual performance by users (Hettinger, 1997). Much of this may result from the fact that e-mail use is highest for simple and routine tasks and lowest for complex and non-routine tasks (Wigand, 1995).
The case study method has been used to assess how to better incorporate online technology in the classroom and university office (Report of the task force..., 1996), to identify
key legal concerns for academic Web site designers (McDonald, 1997) and discuss pros and cons of advertising on educational Web sites (Young, 1996).
The survey method has been used to find out how users navigate educational Web sites (Gibbs & Cheng, 1995) and to determine users' perceived value in online research sources (Burden & Davies, 1998). Technology issues have been addressed, along with hardware and
software evaluation (Picciano, 1998), technology management (Horowitz, 1996), and use of Web technology in the gathering of survey research data (Turner & Turner, 1998).
Indeed, there has been a considerable amount of research conducted into the World Wide Web and the impact of it, and related technology on people, organizations, and the environment. But none of the research located by the author addresses social order-a state which results from predictable or coordinated human actions (Elster, 1989)-and any effect it may have on the development and maintenance of a Web site.
As with WWW research, past research on social order also is mostly qualitative in nature. It "can be likened to stimulus generalization, or looking for sameness when making predictions about other communicators" (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992, p. 24). This is not surprising, since from its beginnings, social order theory has been developed qualitatively. H. D. Duncan--recognized as the founder of social order theory--wrote of art, comedy, language, manners and other social acts which were perceived and structured qualitatively, and displayed in unique ways in a myriad of social environments (Duncan, 1962; Duncan, 1968).
Social order is manifested through predictable or coordinated actions (Couch, 1996; Elster, 1989). It is dependent upon culture (Kraybill, 1978) and is sustained through division of labor, construction of trust and solidarity, a regulation of power, and a legitimization of social activity among humans (Eisenstadt, 1992).
Existing social order literature which relates to division of labor identifies "an information technology paradigm" in which information as raw material is pervasive, networked, flexible, convergent, and an integral part of human life and work (Castells, 1996, p. 60). Past researchers have characterized technology as something which expands the human senses and makes work more productive (Couch, 1996). Work is portrayed "as the fundamental value of social order" (Oliva Augusto, 1998, Abstract). The school administrator has been portrayed as a leader and agent of that social order (Peca, 1991).
Trust is developed in the socially ordered environment when people are responsible for the actions they take, and select leaders who assume responsibility (Silvert, 1998). Past research has shown that individuals placed in positions of authority should allow development of compatibility of needs, ends, values, and intentions, ethical standards and goodwill (Visnovsky, 1995). Order reinforces trust in people and actions, and, in turn, trust reinforces order, "something humans crave and markets reward" (Postrel, 1998, p. 106).
Regulation of power is accomplished through actions of people in the social environment. It is supported by rules and their exceptions--which maintain "the regularity of social life" (Edgerton, 1985, p. 255). Past researchers have investigated the regulation of power through field observation studies of different social environments. These included national surveys of residents of urban neighborhoods to determine "territorial cognitions" which allowed people to identify with the places where they live. The studies determined various levels of social control were at work in neighborhoods and communities (Taylor, 1997).
Other research involved quantitative and qualitative coding of speech text to uncover patterns of rhetorical appeal (Lee & Ungar, 1989), and case study analysis to identify "the grammar of institutions" whereby institutions encourage the regularity of human action that takes place within them (Crawford & Ostrom, 1995). These studies showed that power can be created not only in the language we use, but in the way language and other symbols are used to represent spaces in the social environment. After all, "even space is an expression of society" (Castells, 1996, p. 410).
An observational study by Ericson, Baranke, and Chan dealt with concepts of social order as they related to news media portrayals of law enforcement activities. The authors developed an extensive framework to show how media demonstrate social order through message delivery, message context, cognitive involvement asked of the audience, news structure, news elements, and story pacing. The study showed significant 'socially ordered' differences in the content and context of news as delivered through different media, as well in audience expectations (See Ericson, Baranke, & Chan, 1991). It would seem logical to extend this line of thinking to academic programs and their World Wide Web sites, by examining how different socially ordered environments result in creation of different WWW sites-or, message delivery systems-containing similar types of information, presented differently, to meet audience expectations.
Two studies have dealt specifically with the World Wide Web and people's perceptions of the online social environment. Gardinali, Friedland, and Martinotti (1996) completed a field study of the World Wide Web's 'UseNet.' The researchers found that online user behavior conformed to implicit and explicit conduct rules, and that rules are transmitted directly and indirectly to users. Indergaard and McIlnerey (1998) addressed the social order perceptions of the Internet in a case study focusing on New York City-area users. The researchers found that although online users identified the Internet with free-association information sharing, the network remained grounded in an increasingly-commercialized urban culture. Both these studies demonstrated that the World Wide Web is a technological 'place' regulated by social order. People who go online to communicate with others are expected to follow certain 'rules' for their electronic conduct. Those who do not are ostracized. Furthermore, people who go online have distinct beliefs about the online environment. Those beliefs, based on visual and functional appearances of the technological 'places' they experience online, may differ greatly from institutional realities guiding development of the WWW.
Other studies examined e-mail, which is frequently used to accompany Web sites. A great variation in e-mail use has been identified (Krishnamurthi, 1996) based on user perceptions of task uncertainty, the need for clarification, the need to convey trust, and the need to gather information. An early survey of workplace social relationships which were maintained in part through electronic communication showed that workplace social influences can regulate users' perceptions and selection of means of electronic communication (Schmitz, 1990). A later study
showed that social influences do affect users' specific choice of e-mail, and that these influences do regulate perceptions of e-mail's richness and usefulness as a communications medium (Stuckey, 1998).
Though these studies are insufficiently detailed to answer current questions, their concepts can be further developed to assist in the effort. Following the lead of Gardinali, Friedland, and Martinotti (1996) we can ask how the conduct of WWW users might be influenced through 'rules' established by the presence of visual, operational, or informational enhancements on an academic program's WWW site. Following the lead of Indergaard and McIlnerey (1998) we can ask how the social order of the academic unit affects the development of these visual, operational, and informational enhancements which result in presentation of a WWW site-or technological 'place'-portraying the academic experience.
Technology and the Legitimization of Social Action
Past researchers have identified a number of ways through
which human social activity is legitimized. These include artistic display (Mortensen,
1997), aesthetic design (Harris, 1995), comedy and drama (von Busack, 1997), conventional
and technological presentations of stories (Gronbeck, 1997), recreation (Brown, 1997),
religion (Kraybill, 1978) and through socialization skills cultivated by television
programs (Bitenc, 1998). Technological systems themselves have been portrayed as part of
our humanity and our history (Cowan, 1997; Miller, 1995). In particular, the Internet has
been characterized as an example of, and site for, creating personal interactions which
legitimize social behaviors (Krause, 1996; Shields, 1996).
Though incomplete by themselves, these studies, too, help give legitimize and give direction to further investigate the topic at hand. They argue convincingly that social activity is legitimized; it is both creative and 'rule-following.' The social order which results from this legitimization process can be displayed through technological forms. The technological form of the World Wide Web site is creative, displaying institutionally-unique information, and 'rule-following' in that its properties are established and maintained in accordance with certain explicit and implicit expectations. The WWW site manifests artistic endeavor through its visual display. It manifests aesthetic properties through its operational functions. It offers a technological presentation of stories through its informational enhancements. Finally, the Web site is structured and presented to users with the specific goal of allowing creation of interactions which legitimize social behaviors.
Limitations of Existing Research
Though the existing research is relevant to a broadened understanding of the World Wide Web and of social order, taken individually, it is insufficient. None of the research quantifies the number of journalism/ mass communication academic programs now using WWW sites or the extent of visual, operational, and informational enhancements used on sites. Existing research does not address the possibility that institutional characteristics themselves are a variable in the relationship, nor does it suggest how the social order established among faculty in academic programs might affect the development and presentation of a WWW site-or technological 'place'-portraying the academic experience.
When reviewed as a whole, however, the past studies do help focus and direct this research effort. Past studies show it is possible to quantify the number of programs now using World Wide Web sites, and that sites can be evaluated according to the quantitative extent of their visual, operational, and informational enhancements. Relationships between levels of enhancements and institutional characteristics can be investigated. Most importantly, an increased understanding of the perceptions of social order established among faculty in academic programs can give basis for support to the claim that a WWW site is a socially-ordered 'place' which is, to some degree, the product of a socially-ordered experience in the academic community.
